Energy reform in Mexico
Giving it both barrels
The government has made a
promising start, but it may struggle to bring an historic reform to fruition
TO MEXICANS, state ownership
of their oil is a bit like gun ownership in the United States—steeped in history.
So President Enrique Peña Nieto’s proposal, unveiled on August 12th, to change
the constitution to allow private investment in Mexico’s oil industry for the
first time since 1960, is a taboo-buster.
To clear the historic hurdles,
he niftily dressed up the reform proposal as a return to the regime that
prevailed after Mexico’s patriotic hero, President Lázaro Cárdenas, seized the
oil industry from foreign hands in 1938. Few will be fooled, however, into
thinking that he shares Cardenas’s nationalist convictions.
In fact his intention is
nakedly economic. It starts from the premise that Mexico is running out of
easy-to-access oil in the shallow waters of the Gulf of Mexico. Pemex, the
national oil and gas monopoly, has neither the funds nor the expertise to take
advantage of the shale and deep-water deposits that have proved so bounteous
across the border in the United States. So it needs partners. The proposal
leaves one big question unanswered, however: on precisely what terms will
Mexico seek to attract private investment?
Mr Peña’s immediate priority
is to change the constitution to end a ban on private contracts in upstream oil
and gas development. Downstream, he wants to end Pemex’s monopoly in refining,
shipping and petrochemicals, which bleed money. A reform of the electricity
market is intended to enable private firms to generate power, though the grid
will remain in the grip of the Federal Electricity Commission, the state
behemoth.
Because of the sen{sitivities
over ownership of oil, the government plans to offer investors a share in the
profits of the oil and gas they produce, rather than the stuff itself. This
caused disappointment. But the difference between profit- and
production-sharing may be semantic, especially if the profits are based on the
price of a barrel of oil, which—with some arm-twisting on accounting rules at
the United States Securities and Exchange Commission—could count as reserves.
More worrying is the
impression that Mr Peña will focus on the constitutional changes, while leaving
discussion of the nitty gritty, such as what share of the profits companies
will be offered, to secondary legislation in Congress, where it will be debated
with less public scrutiny. Oil companies, burned before in countries like
Venezuela, will be wary of anything that looks like a legal or political fudge.
“The companies would be quite rational in saying we’re not putting in a cent
until we know we have a watertight contract,” says Juan Carlos Boué, of the
Oxford Institute for Energy Studies.
It may therefore be a while
before the reforms boost oil and gas production, which has fallen sharply over
the past decade. “With the absolutely best framework it will be two to three
years before Big Oil will be able to evaluate a commercial opportunity,” says
George Baker, a Houston-based analyst focused on Mexican energy.
Before any of that, Mr Peña
has his work cut out to change the constitution. His Institutional
Revolutionary Party (PRI), its small coalition partners and the conservative
National Action Party (PAN) have enough votes between them to muster the
two-thirds majority needed in the upper and lower houses of Congress to change
the constitution. They also dominate the state legislatures. However, the PAN
favours a bolder approach to reform, involving royalty-paying concessions, and
the PRI is stuffed with closet oil nationalists. To keep the PRI’s union
supporters onside, officials say none of Pemex’s 151,000 workers, some of whom
are spectacularly unproductive, will be laid off.
Meanwhile, the left-leaning
Party of the Democratic Revolution is incensed that Mr Peña has stolen its
icon, ex-president Cárdenas. His son, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, a doyen of the left,
says Mr Peña simply intends to “strangle” Pemex.
A bigger threat to reform may
come from the street. An army of left-wing nationalists loyal to Andrés Manuel
López Obrador, who came second to Mr Peña in last year’s presidential election,
plans to stage protests in Mexico City in coming weeks. Though Mr López Obrador
no longer belongs to a big political party, oil could give him a powerful
populist platform from which to create havoc.
In the face of such
opposition, a video put out by Mr Peña’s office this week borrowing phrases
from the 1930s to insist “The Oil is Ours” appears trite. More to the point,
the president should explain why this reform will be different from some of the
headline-grabbing privatizations of the 1990s, whose lack of transparency left
a bad taste in people’s mouths. Given Mexico’s sinking oil production, Mr
Peña’s proposals are undoubtedly a step in the right direction. But the more
open the discussion about them, the better.
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